As I begin to write
this post, I'm not exactly sure how to structure my response in a way that will
equitably include all of the readings while addressing each question in an
organized way that doesn't span pages and pages of content. That said, I'm going
to talk briefly about three of the readings and what stuck out to me in terms
of the questions at the beginning of my post and follow that with a more in
depth analysis of the article that was of particular importance for my learning
this week.
Childhood Figured Worlds: Navigating Figured Worlds as
white British and British Pakistani
Something I really
appreciated about this piece from the start was the way that Barron (2013)
included a rich amount of detail when outlining the driving theoretical
framework for this project. As I entered into reading about the ways that the
children were navigating their figured world school but also larger social
contexts based on their ethnic and racial experiences, I was struck by the
statement that figured worlds can be "helpful in supplementing how young
children's ethnic identities have been conceptualized by critical race
theorists and socio-cultural theorists" (Barron, 2013, p. 2). For me, this
connected to how we've discussed the way using figured worlds in research might
pair well with other theories, even, in this case, conversations from multiple
paradigms.
The positional and
figurative identities that the children performed during this research project
were "constantly in complex interaction with each other" (Barron,
2013, p. 10). For example, Barron's (2013) example about Mitchell's rationale
for not celebrating Eid because he's "not dark" was an example of
using his positioned identity of whiteness to assign the way he participates in
cultural experiences. This specific
example not only included his identity but also the way he is interpreting his
figured worlds and the sociocultural norms accompanying those worlds that
ultimately hold power over which individuals "are supposed to"
celebrate certain holidays and which are not.
As a result of these
socially constructed norms that the children interpreted, Barron (2013) writes,
" only
particular figured worlds were available to the children for much of the time.
The children had few, if any, opportunities to make things up from
scratch" (p. 14-15). The connection, then, to the ways these sorts of
"access" points interweave themselves into whose knowledge is valued
in schools and whose isn't was an important lead in to discussions of power
within these figured worlds and how they potentially play themselves out over
long periods of time in granting and denying access to students.
Materiality and Power in Teacher's Figured Worlds
As I was reading the
Gelfuso & Dennis (2017) piece, I was particularly aware of the questions
related to the ways that artifacts and power enter into figured worlds.
Specifically, for this research study, that happened to be the figured worlds
of life as a teacher as well as the figured world of teaching and learning
literacy. Rather than rehash the entire study here, I'll highlight two
important moments.
Within the
discourses analysis of the conversation between Sherry and Megan, the central
theme that emerged was discussion of materials. These physical and tangible
artifacts seemed to drive the conversation between the two, serving as central
to the "teaching and learning" aspect of the figured worlds. The tie
in, then, to the ways that these specific materials were driven by district
standards, which were often "checked up on" by those in positions of
power, was insightful in thinking about how much of focus physical materials
can become.
The sociocultural
norms that existed in this space dictated the importance of materials as well
as using practical knowledge to drive instruction. While not specifically
honing in on the identities of either of the participants, this study did make
me wonder about the ways that identities of teachers are performed in the
figured world of school spaces. That also, then, led me to wonder the ways in
which teachers might use agency in classrooms to resist or conform to the
existing power structures. In the case of this 20-minute conversation, it
appears that both Shelly and Megan were complicit in conforming to
expectations. But were they? Wouldn't it be necessary to ask them questions
about the way they navigate expectations in order to glean insight?
Resisting Heteronormative Norms through Artifacts
Before I even begin
to unpack here, I'll start by saying I really enjoyed
reading Blackburn's (2002) piece. Of all that I read for this week, the
piece seemed to flow so nicely and read almost like a story.
As Blackburn (2002)
unpacked the figured worlds that Justine occupied within the context of the
research (i.e., school and youth center), the ways that "authoring"
was used in this piece was something I appreciated when discussing the way
agency was enacted. For example, Blackburn (2002) writes about the way Justine
authored herself into the first poem where she shifts the use of the word
"dyke" from how she is positioned as a young woman of color
identifying as a lesbian into a different figured world in the poem where she
had agency to fight the hatred that accompanied her lived experience with that
word. Not only does she write the poem, though, as an act of resistance against
powerful heteronormativity, but she goes a step further by reading it aloud to
a group in which she can be empowered by those around her.
The ultimate example
of the artifact produced by this piece culminates in Justine's video that she
chooses to share in both of her figured worlds. In this piece, she combines
artifacts within artifacts (e.g., photos and words within a video) in an act of
agency to validate her identity in a figured world where sociocultural norms
indicate that her identity as a lesbian is problematic.
Grappling with Manufactured Differences in Separate
Figured Worlds
I'll end with a
reflection on Bagatell's (2007) piece since the content of the research study
was the closest to my researcher heart. There were several methodological moves
that I really appreciated about this piece. I thought the decision to report
findings through narrative was especially insightful in demonstrating the ways
that the two different figured worlds in the article (i.e., living in the
"neurotypical" world and living in a world with other individuals
with autism) was helpful in seeing the ways that artifacts, identities, power
and sociocultural norms all worked together within each of these spaces.
Throughout the
narrative, Bagatell (2007) successfully highlights the multiple ways that Ben
is positioned within his dominantly viewed identity of being someone who
"has autism." The reader sees the often ignored aspects, especially
within the disability world, of mental health and depression that accompany
being positioned in social spaces as an outcast or someone who needs to
"conform" to "being normal." The reader then sees Ben's
attempts at enacting agency as a younger child when he discusses actively
resisting the sociocultural pressures to "act normal" which, he later
decides, are sometimes pressures he will conform to in order to engage in
social relationships with peers.
Soooooo…now that I
answered some of the questions about this piece…I wanted to offer critique
about the way that Bagatell (2007) portrays these figured worlds.
First, Bagatell
(2007) offers no framework though which she's going to discuss disability
which, for me, is an essential element if you're going to do this kind of
research. Disability as a concept or label or IDENTITY goes unproblematized and
unexamined. Based on the way the piece presents, I'm inclined to say that
Bagatell (2007) is using a medical model of disability to do this work, which,
in my opinion is problematic.
This is why: (the
video is a bit long but does a nice job of explaining the medical v. social
models of disability if you're not familiar):
Secondly, throughout
Bagatell's (2007) discussion, there is a definite development of the
"neurotypical" figured world that Ben occupies (which, presumably, so
does Bagatell). Power structures and sociocultural norms are outlined and the
ways that Ben resists and conforms are brought to light. The discussion in this
piece, though, of the figured world in which Ben goes to interact with
individuals who share his diagnosis in really underdeveloped. There is
discussion about the ways that this figured world is more comfortable for Ben
and how there are differing sociocultural norms in place. However, there is
only 1 statement I could find in the entire piece that mentions issues of power
in which Bagatell (2007) highlights that those with "higher
functioning" autism have more control than those who are "lower
functioning."
Based on my
experience with this world, there are far more existing power structures than
this. The way it is presented in the piece, this figured world is
"paradise." In a lot of ways, it may have been positioned that way
based on Ben's lived experience in his less desired figured world. However, the
ethnographic work on this end seemed weak to me in that there was a lack of
exploration into the ways that communities of individuals who have aspects of
shared identities are also governed by rules and often driven by
conformity.
Monica you highlight some important issues in the reading but one thing I would address is you question about Sherry and Megan. You asked about their conforming to expectations, "But were they? Wouldn't it be necessary to ask them questions about the way they navigate expectations in order to glean insight?"
ReplyDeleteI think the authors addressed the fact that because of distance they did not have Sherry and Megan address some of the questions they had afterward. On the other hand I think that excluding the participants allow the authors to just focus on the discourse. I think it was revealing how much their identities as pre-service and in-service influenced each other.
Monica, thank you for such an informative post. I agree that giving the multiple readings justice was difficult, but you did a terrific job. I also appreciate when you share your knowledge about the differences in a medical model of disability versus a social model of disability. Your post reminded me that the lens through which we look as researchers can act to problematize an identity. Plus, without your sharing of your critique, I would never have known to take Bagatell at anything but face value. That worries me as a novice researcher. I also look forward to discussing the concepts of "normal" and "neurotypical" further with you. I think this is another area where identity research gets messy. I am not sure we as researchers can totally remove ourselves from the figured worlds we act within. Therefore, can we every truly be objective about the constructs we pull out for examination? I can definitely see more and more why our ability to be explicit about our own stance regarding ontology and theory must be explained each time we approach a study.
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